Friday, July 31, 2009

Anybody know where I can get one of these?

Slip-on SKS/AK muzzle brake mounted on a Mosin-Nagant M-44.

My daughter Hannah firing a Mosin Nagant M-44 for the first time.

Some of you no doubt remember that Hannah fired her first Mosin Nagant bolt-action at a machine gun shoot up in Ohio earlier this month. At the time it bruised her shoulder. Still, she liked it and now has one of her own.

In addition to a lace-on butt pad, I'd like to put one of these on it:

According to Scotto, who posted these photos on a couple of years ago here:

I had this SKS/AK post ban slip-on muzzle break that was designed to look like a AK74 break rolling around in my parts bin for some time now and since all my AK’s and SKS’s are pre ban and have bayonet lug’s I never gave it much thought. I just realized that it will also fit on my son’s M44 Mosin-nagant. This little 7.62x54 carbine barks and spits out 3 foot muzzle flashes so this should be fun to see if this break tames any of that…

I have seen other muzzle breaks sold for the M-44 that resemble this but they have bolts which hold them on. Because the M-44 has a side-folding bayonet, I would like the muzzle break to be easily removable like the one in the photos above. Any ideas, guys?


Professor Churchill goes head-to-head with Gun Control's El Guapo!

Just received this from Professor Churchill:

Josh Horowitz and I went head to head on Booktv last weekend. I thought you might be interested.

Here is the link. . .

Take not counsel of your fears.

"Just because black helicopters exist doesn't mean they are out to get you." -- Mike Vanderboegh, 1995.

(NOTE: I wrote this early last evening after some long talks over the past few days with current-serving military personnel -- my son wasn't one of them, although I believe he would wholeheartedly concur. I waited until morning to re-read it in the cold light of day and having done so, I have changed very little. I will admit I was asked to write this piece, but as it happens I believe every word. If I have been a bit non-specific about exactly who I am talking about, it is for the same reason that the Baptist preacher while denouncing sin does not point out individual sinners in the congregation. If you are convicted in your heart, fine. Go forth and sin no more. If you're not guilty, what are you worried about? Don't you have some reloading to do?-- MBV)

Take not counsel of your fears.

"In planning any operation, it is vital to remember and constantly repeat to oneself two things: 'In war, nothing is impossible provided you use audacity,' and 'Do not take counsel of your fears.'" -- General George S. Patton Jr., Letter of Instruction, March 6, 1944.


Soldiers are in most ways no different than the population they spring from. They are men and women, the same as the rest of us. They pull their pants (or their panties) on one leg at a time just as we all do. There are craven soldiers who would steal from their buddies. There are cowards, misfits, drug addicts and go-along-get-alongs who haven't even heard of the U.S. Constitution. Statistics say there are fewer of those in the military than in the general population, but they certainly exist.

I do not worship soldiers as a class, because it is, to paraphrase Martin Luther King, the content of their individual characters and not the color of their uniforms that define them as men or women, and I judge people individually not collectively.. And so it is with the armed citizenry and those who support us -- the 3% and the 10% that define the fighting and working portion of what many call "Patriots." (The enemies of the Constitution call themselves "patriots" but that's for another day and another essay.) We too run the gamut of human behavior, experience and potential and we resent it when the enemies of the Founders' Republic lump us into one mass for political purposes. Why, then, some of us are judging our own military men and women collectively is beyond me.

I am distrurbed (as are many soldiers who are paying attention) by the fact that some on our side are assuming in advance their collective defection in the cause we all hold dear. So hold onto your pews, parishioners, here comes the fire and brimstone.

I'm going to say some harsh things right now, but they need to be said. It is time for some of you to do a gut check, a common sense review, or take a Dale Carnegie course on how to win friends and influence people and some of you need all three.

I am sick and tired of all this "woe is us!" pity party crap about Homeland Security training exercises and military involvement in same, and I am especially sick and tired of folks blaming ordinary soldiers for it and assuming that one day soon, they are going to violate their oaths to the Constitution. "They," with a capital T, some say, are going to order "them," small t -- meaning men and women in uniform, to do whatever it is we fear that day -- pick up our guns, force vaccinations upon us, as if they are mindless automatons who input data and slavishly obey all commands.

What most of us who DON'T listen to short wave figured out a long time ago is that if we act like these honorable military men and women who DO value their oaths are going to be our enemies BEFORE they act like it, well, then, they will be.

Haven't any of you read the Homeland Secuity report on "Right Wing Extremists"? If we act like paranoid conspiracy nutters, we make our enemies' problem much easier. We in fact play right into their narrative, which is to say, right into their hands. There are two strategic uncertainties the collectivists in power face, and they are critical to their operational planning:

First, what will we, the armed citizenry, do if they ever push us too far?

Second, when that happens through intention or idiocy, will the military carry out their orders to suppress us?

The fact is that most of the teeth of the armed forces, the combat arms' tigers, ARE US. They are OUR sons who take the ground, and yes, even our daughters who fly the choppers over it. So, when we take counsel of our fears, we are saying that we don't trust OURSELVES to obey the oaths WE took. To the extent that we doubt our own, they have cause to doubt us AND to believe the lying administration that seeks to divide us and use them against us.

We also, by the way, cause our enemies to sneer at us and despise our ability to reason and sort through real facts from fevered rumors, which of course encourages them to be more aggressive. Talk about self-fulfilling prophecy.

Like it or not (and I assure you I don't), the Congress has encroached on Posse Comitatus for decades, using first the drug war then the WMD threat. Most of us have protested this in various ways and yet both political parties have shoved it down our throats. Most of us have also prepared in mind, body and logistics for what happens if, as and when this trend becomes tyranny. But if you want to blame somebody for allowing this to happen, look in the mirror, don't blame a soldier.

And yet, these ARE real threats. The Islamo-fascists may one day get the bomb, or a virus, or a delivery method for VX in this country. Only the military has the ability to respond to that. What began with NEST teams and is now expanding to encompass flu pandemics are, or at least can be, legitimate military CIVIL operations in support of over-stressed, yet legitimate state and local governments.

I hesitate to offer you a novel to support my line of reasoning instead of hard factual footnotes, but if you want to read what the best of our military would do in a time of disaster -- man-made or otherwise -- I suggest that you read The Last Centurion by John Ringo. As foul-mouthed as it is, it captures the ethos of the American fighting man in a time of great danger to his country and the world. The military is non-political. It is SUPPOSED to be non-political. The Founders, ever suspicious of a standing army, insisted upon it. Would you want it any other way? Why then are you blaming them for the drift of our politics into tyranny? That's not their fault, it is ours.

The military has always been used and abused by craven politicians. With the exception of certain of the corporation generals of the West Point Protective Association, they have always resented it it and resisted it. But NEVER have they faced Stauffenberg's Choice before. (See Sipsey Street, 21 July,

They may have to one day soon.

So don't make it hard for them. Don't make the Constitution's enemies' job any easier, either.

There's going to be an exercise in your area? Great. Study it. Learn from it. Where it seems aligned with genuine concerns to protect the country's people and is consistent with the Constitution, support it. If it strays into what Oath Keepers calls the Ten Orders We Refuse to Obey, then trust the soldiers, sailors and airmen to keep their oaths when push comes to shove.

And if you're concerned that more needs to be done to make that happen, then join and promote Oath Keepers. Don't just wring your hands at the latest breathless email from people who wouldn't know disinformation if it bit them in the ass, and worse, who make money by passing along each and every discrediting rumor.

If worse comes to worst, after a certain point, everyone will have to choose a side. But if you assume that our military are going to be our enemies before they are, you will make it harder for them to choose the right side. You may in fact make them your enemies without wishing to do so. And you will have only your own inability to control your fear to blame.

The men and women who serve in our military, especially the combat arms folks, are well aware of the excremental end of the stick that they are often handed. But do you know what they DON'T do? They don't take counsel of their fears, they don't pass around hyperventilated disinformation, they don't invent boogeymen, they don't blame their buddies and they don't feel sorry for themselves. They await events, react only to realities, then they get off their dead-tired asses, drink water and drive on.

Most importantly, they don't jump at shadows and they don't call their family members names.

Now if everything I've said just chaps your ass, then I suggest you fill out this Department of the Army form and file it where it seems most appropriate:

Keep your powder dry, your fears in check and your rifle clean. And don't piss off your natural allies. Don't borrow trouble. It will seek you out soon enough.

Thus endeth the sermon.

Mike Vanderboegh

Thursday, July 30, 2009

I gotta get me one of THESE!

The ACMA Troupes Aeról Portées Mle. 56, as used by French airborne forces.

While doing research on bicycle infantry I came across this major mutha. It is a French Vespa mounting a U.S. 75mm recoilless rifle. That's right. It not only transports it, you can fire it from the bike. It has a support bracket welded on!

I first found mention of it at combatreform, which linked to THIS which in turn linked to Dark Roasted Blend here.

Faced with guerrilla campaigns in Indochina and Algeria and lacking American resources to project artillery power in support of airborne forces, the French came up with this compromise of mobility and firepower.

Air-droppable with five parachutes between them, the two-man gun crew, weapon, ammunition, and two scooters would float safely to earth. The Paras would then load the weapon on one scooter and the ammo on the other, then ride away. More impressively, the recoilless rifle could be fired effectively on the move by the best of the gun crews. Total cost? About $500 for the scooter and the recoilless rifle was war surplus. About 800 of these armed scooters were used in French colonial wars in Northern Africa and Southeast Asia.

Forget, rice burners. THIS is the ORIGINAL crotch rocket.

Nice to know I didn't LIBEL him, ain't it Neiwert?

Busy day today. Well, well, what have we here? Remember THIS from over a month ago? Then I wrote in regard to Pretty Boy Turner:

Well, the ever-loathsome web-Nazi and FBI paid snitch Hal Turner is in the news again. He is proving to be a most useful tool of the FBI, IF, and its a big if, this present case doesn't blow up in their faces. Not since the case of Mafia killer and FBI snitch Whitey Bolger have we had a better chance to find out the inner workings of the Kingdom of FBI Snitchdom. (What? You think it's a coincidence that Whitey's still on the lam?)

Outed as a paid FBI snitch when his emails with an FBI special agent were hacked and posted, Turner earlier this month was arrested by the FBI for threatening judges. The case has the potential to strike at the heart of the First Amendment on-line as Jacob Sullum reports here at Reason Magazine.

Well, I'm glad to know I didn't LIBEL him or anything, right David Neiwert? You see, Turner finally admitted in court what we've known all along -- something that we in the constitutional militia movement have known since the '90s -- that the so-called racist "right" (which are just a different flavor of collectivist) are pawns and cats-paws of the Federal Bureau of Investigation.

Go here for the latest on Terrible Turner the Totalitarian's Friend and the former darling of the Hoover Building. Don't know why they busted such a useful tool. I mean, after all, they let Whitey Bolger get away with murder in return for snitching, and he's STILL on the lam.

Radio host denies threatening federal judges

July 28, 2009

An Internet radio host pleaded not guilty today to threatening to kill three federal appellate judges in Chicago and then sought his release from custody, saying he has been an informant for the FBI.

Hal Turner, who was arrested last month at his home in New Jersey, shook his head after being handed a copy of the indictment.

Turner is charged with calling for appellate judges Frank Easterbrook, William Bauer and Richard Posner to be killed after they affirmed a lower court decision June 2 to dismiss challenges to Chicago's handgun ban.

Turner allegedly used his web site to put out the message that all three were "cunning, ruthless, untrustworthy, disloyal, unpatriotic, deceitful scum."

"Let me be the first to say this plainly: These judges deserve to be killed," he allegedly said.

A federal judge from Louisiana will be brought in to preside over the case.

U.S. Magistrate Judge Martin Ashman gave Turner 10 days to subpoena an FBI agent who Turner contends acted as his handler as he supplied the government with information.

Turner's lawyer, Michael Orozco, said Turner prevented military equipment from being sold on the Internet and even tipped off the U.S. Marshal Service to a threat against President Barack Obama.

"So you're saying he's an American hero," Ashman said somewhat sarcastically.

As for the charges, Orozco said Turner was only giving his opinion on the judges' ruling and that he has a Constitutional right to free speech.

Assistant U.S. Atty. William Hogan said a magistrate judge in New Jersey had already ordered Turner detained before he was sent to Chicago, finding that he was a threat to the community. He has continued to air threatening radio messages on the Internet since his arrest, including a call placed from custody in New Jersey, Hogan said.

Hogan said Turner may have had some contact with the FBI as an informant but that it was quite some time ago. He said he had no idea about any action Turner supposedly took to thwart an attack on the president.

-- Jeff Coen

Praxis: Bicycle Infantry, Part Two

Loading British Bicycle Infantry into a Horsa glider.

Praxis: Bicycle Infantry, Part Two

Found some great links while I was doing some follow-up on bicycle infantry. See this youtube video entitled "Swiss Light Bicycle Infantry for Mountain Warfare."

Also, here's a article on the 25th U.S. Infantry's experiment with movement by bicycle:

U.S. Army’s 25th Infantry Bicycle Corps: Wheels of War

The determined group of cyclists struggled against a stiff headwind as they pedaled their fully loaded bicycles up the rocky road on a sticky, rainy day in June 1897. Forceful gusts whipped over the plains, punctuated by the sound of the riders’ labored breathing and the scrunching of tires along the dirt road. By the time they reached their destination, the 23 riders–the U.S. Army’s 25th Infantry Bicycle Corps–would have traveled 1,900 miles.

Formed in 1869, the 25th Infantry was one of four African-American military units posted west of the Mississippi, serving as protectors and peacekeepers. The 25th was stationed on the Texas frontier until 1880, when it was transferred to the Dakota Territory. Eight years later the unit moved to the hunting and fishing paradise of Fort Missoula, Montana, from where the soldiers were dispatched as peacekeeping forces during railroad and mine strikes and fought forest fires in Montana and Idaho. Yet one of their most grueling tasks involved cycling long distances under realistic field conditions.

Following the advent of the chain-driven’safety’ bicycle, developed in 1874 by H.J. Lawson, and John Boyd Dunlop’s 1888 pneumatic tire invention, cycling for pleasure and for everyday transport became popular. Meanwhile, several European armies had already established the bicycle’s value for reconnaissance and courier services.

The U.S. Army, however, did not attempt any official experiments in bicycle transport until 1896, when the task was assigned to the 25th Infantry. The newly formed bicycle unit consisted of eight enlisted men and their white commander, Lieutenant James A. Moss.

In July 1896, the bicycle corps was given its first long-distance test, riding north to Lake McDonald and back, a distance of 126 miles. During the three-day expedition the soldiers encountered heavy rains, strong winds, deep mud, and steep grades and suffered punctured tires, broken pedals, and loose rims and chains. The corps gained valuable experience for the following month’s test.

On August 15, the riders pedaled out of Fort Missoula and reached Yellowstone Park 10 days and 500 miles later. There they rested and saw the sights for five days before returning to their post. The soldiers averaged a speed of six miles per hour over the steepest part of the route, more than twice that of infantrymen traversing the same terrain.

The summer of 1897 saw the bicycle corps undertake its longest, most challenging test when its members set out for St. Louis. The chosen route closely followed the Northern Pacific Railroad from the corps headquarters at Fort Missoula to Billings, Montana. From there it paralleled the Burlington Northern Railroad through Wyoming, South Dakota, Nebraska, and Missouri. Selected for its length, difficult terrain, and extreme weather and road conditions, the route was perfect for this military experiment.

The unit’s bicycles were the most modern available, built to military specifications by A.G. Spalding & Bros. of Chicopee Falls, Massachusetts. Eager for its product to undergo a rigorous service test, Spalding donated the bicycles to the government. Although constructed with the most up-to-date specifications, the bicycles had steel frames and rims and were cumbersome and heavy.

Each rider carried a 10-pound blanket roll that included a shelter tent and poles, a set of underwear, two pairs of socks, a handkerchief, and toothbrush and powder. Properly packed, the roll fitted into a luggage carrier in front of the bicycle’s handlebars. Each man also carried rations of bacon, bread, canned beef, baked beans, coffee, and sugar in hard leather cases attached to the bicycle frame. Every other man carried a towel and a bar of soap, and each squad chief carried a comb and brush and a box of matches. Fully loaded, the soldiers’ bicycles weighed about 59 pounds each. Every man also carried a 10-pound Krag-Jorgensen rifle and a 50-round cartridge belt.

Moss chose 20 of the 40 infantrymen who volunteered for the expedition. The men ranged in age from 24 to 39 and were in top physical condition. Five were veterans of the previous year’s trials. Moss described the corps as ‘bubbling over with enthusiasm . . . about as fine a looking and well disciplined a lot as could be found anywhere in the United States Army.’ Also joining the corps were the assistant post surgeon, Dr. James M. Kennedy, and Edward Boos, a reporter for the Daily Missoulian newspaper.

Corps mechanic Private John Findley was an indispensable member of the unit, responsible for keeping the bicycles in top running condition. Damaged front crowns, front axles, pedals, and spokes would continually demand his mechanical expertise and ingenuity.

The cyclists pedaled out of Fort Missoula at 5:30 a.m. on June 14, 1897. When the soldiers reached Missoula they rode through town in an impressive, double-file formation as people lined the streets to cheer them on their way.

Unfortunately, the bright start quickly dimmed as heavy rains turned the road to mud. Lieutenant Moss noted in his official report that ‘we rolled our wheels through weeds and underbrush on the road side in order to avoid the mud, and then would carry them a few paces and stop for second wind, as it were.’ About 3:00 p.m. the weather began to clear, and ‘we stopped for an hour’s rest, after which the ride or rather the march was resumed over the muddy, hilly roads.’ It was an exhausting first day, but despite the wet weather the men managed to travel 54 miles.

Rain fell in torrents through the night, and by morning the road was completely impassable. Pushing off in a drizzling rain, the riders soon abandoned the road and traveled along the Northern Pacific Railroad tracks. Instead of mud the group endured bone-jarring jolts from mile after mile of railroad ties.

Near noon on the fourth day the corps trekked across the Continental Divide, enduring freezing temperatures and blowing sleet and snow that brought visibility down to less than 20 feet. Every so often the cyclists stopped to warm their hands and ears before pressing on. As they began their descent, melting snow forced the men to peddle along in ankle-deep water.

The soldiers were under pressure to make good time as they carried only two days’ rations. With food pick-up points stationed every 100 miles, their daily riding average had to be 50 miles, although that wasn’t always possible. Poor weather conditions between the Crow Indian reservation and Fort Custer in south-central Montana produced such muddy roads that the men covered only three miles in six hours on the 10th day of their journey, and they ran out of food before the next ration point. Boos wrote, ‘We were wet, cold and hungry, and a more jaded set of men never existed.’

On the evening of June 25, the expedition reached the site of the Battle of the Little Bighorn, fought exactly 21 years earlier. ‘The site of our camp was on the flat at the foot of the hill on which Gen. Custer fought the famous battle and where the Indians pitched their lodges the day before the battle,’ Boos reported. Before eating their supper, the men ‘visited the celebrated battlefield and viewed the site of the massacre with interest. The writer went over Custer’s very line of march on his bicycle under the direction of Mr. A.N. Grover, the custodian of the Custer National Cemetery.’

As the corps traveled through Wyoming, South Dakota, and Nebraska, water became a critical problem. The only potable supply came from railroad tanks, and if the soldiers were too far from the railroad, they had no choice but to drink water that was often alkali-tainted, causing sickness throughout the corps. Moss reported that on June 29, after ‘having ridden somewhat over twenty miles up an almost continuous grade, under a broiling sun, we stopped, about 2 p.m. at Gillette, Wyo., for lunch,’ although many of the men were so tired that they fell asleep while eating. After being advised that the next place where they could obtain water was the town of Moorcroft, some 30 miles away, the corps started on its way again. By 7:00 p.m. the men had covered about 16 miles and ‘were bounding along at an eight-mile gait, when all at once the clouds began to gather thick and fast, and almost immediately darkness was upon us.’ Suddenly, the front axle on one man’s bicycle broke. Their need for water was too urgent to stop for repairs, however, and the soldier had no choice but to push his bicycle all the way to Moorcroft.

Moss left Sergeant Mingo Sanders in temporary command while he pushed ahead with the cook and two soldiers, ‘intending to reach Moorcroft an hour or more before the command and have supper ready as soon as they arrived.’ Poor road conditions, however, forced Moss and his men to dismount and push their bicycles. Darkness descended before they reached town. ‘While almost feeling our way along a road wet and muddy from a rain from the previous day, we walked and walked and walked, pushing our wheels before us,’ noted Moss. ‘The night air was damp, chilly, and penetrating, and we were cold, hungry, and tired . . . I was really sleeping on my feet.’ After several hours of walking, the men were overcome by sheer exhaustion. They collapsed on top of their tents, covered themselves with their blankets, and fell asleep. When the four men awoke the next morning, they saw the town of Moorcroft about a mile away.

The soldiers regrouped and continued on through the southwest corner of South Dakota, arriving in Crawford, Nebraska, on July 3 as the town’s residents were enjoying an early Independence Day celebration. Boos reported that ‘The Fourth of July celebration was at its height when the 25th U.S. Infantry Bicycle Corps arrived at Crawford. The entire town was full of people and the corps was given a hearty welcome . . . .’

As the men continued east over the Nebraska plains in extreme heat, water problems intensified. In one instance they rode 50 miles without water, their lips parched and tongues swollen. Daytime temperatures were so high that the men began their trek at daybreak and rode until mid-morning. They rested through the hottest hours of the day and continued on in the late afternoon. If road conditions were good, the corps frequently pedaled by moonlight.

About nine miles out of Alliance, Nebraska, Lieutenant Moss was ‘overcome from the effects of alkali water, and taken back to town. For the next four days the corps was under the command of Asst. Surgeon J.M. Kennedy.’ Moss remained in Alliance to recover, then rejoined the riders by train.

During the four days under Dr. Kennedy’s command, the soldiers endured some of the highest temperatures of their journey. Making matters worse, their bicycles sank eight to ten inches deep in Nebraska’s Sand Hills, forcing the men once again onto the railroad tracks, where they rumbled along for 170 miles. Moss recalled that this distance was covered in four and a half days ‘by almost superhuman effort. On July 7 the thermometer registered 110 degrees in the shade, and over half of the corps were sick . . . .’ Fortunately, the journey was nearing its end.

Twenty-three miles west of St. Louis, newspaper reporter Henry Lucas camped with the bicycle corps and prepared to escort the riders into the city. He relayed word to the St. Louis Star that the men were in top physical condition, and their spirits were high. He further reported, ‘It is no uncommon sight for residents of this city to see a company of wheelmen . . . but in today’s visitors there is a distinctiveness which will mark them at once as different from other riders . . . . All belong to the African race except the Lieutenant.’

On July 24 hundreds of St. Louis cyclists rode out to meet the approaching regiment, and large crowds greeted the weary travelers as they made their way into the city. During the next few days thousands of spectators visited the corps’ campsite and watched exhibition drills. The St. Louis Associated Cycling Corps even sponsored a parade in honor of its military guests. This was ‘the most marvelous cycling trip in the history of the wheel and the most rapid military march on record,’ reported the St. Louis Star.

Moss was particularly proud of his unit’s persistence. ‘There was no condition of weather we did not endure, no topographical obstacle that we did not overcome,’ he told the St. Louis Post-Dispatch. In his official report, Moss commended his men for the’spirit, pluck and fine soldierly qualities they displayed.’ He stressed that’some of our experiences, especially in the Sand Hills of Nebraska, tested to the utmost not only their physical endurance, but also their moral courage and disposition.’

The trip lasted 40 days: 34 spent in travel and six used for rest and repairs. Due to the extreme road and weather conditions, the men pushed their bicycles nearly 400 of the total 1,900 miles traveled. Initially, the corps averaged 52 miles a day, but once the unit passed beyond the Sand Hills the rate increased to 60 miles.

Moss reported several problems that needed to be addressed, including the increase of regulation rations, as provisions intended for two days lasted for only four meals. He also recommended the addition of shock absorbers to the handlebars to prevent jarring, as many men had suffered numbing pain from traveling over rough roads and railroad tracks. In some places they had actually found it easier to carry their fully loaded bicycles on their shoulders.

Nonetheless, the experiment demonstrated that a bicycle corps could travel twice as fast as cavalry and infantry under the same topographical conditions, at one-third the cost. Moss remarked that a bicycle corps would be particularly useful in situations that required speed rather than numbers, such as taking possession of bridges or passes and holding them until reinforcements arrived. ‘The bicycle has a number of advantages over the horse,’ Moss noted, ‘it does not require as much care, it needs no forage, it moves much faster over fair roads . . . it is noiseless and raises but little dust, and it is impossible to determine its direction from its tracks.’ Still, Moss made it clear that he didn’t believe a bicycle corps could in any way take over the duties of mounted cavalry. He maintained that the services complemented each other, and a bicycle corps would best serve as adjuncts to both cavalry and infantry.

In the end, the army decided not to establish a permanent bicycle corps. Lack of good roads, the large supply of horses, and the country’s vast expanse all worked against the plan. After returning by train to their post at Fort Missoula, the bicycle corps was disbanded as an active unit. Although several different types of bicycles were developed for the army–including some models that carried machine guns and repeating rifles–they failed to pass the strenuous field tests. The arduous experience of the 25th Infantry Bicycle Corps would never be repeated.

Another great source on the details of the 25th's ride can be found here.

And if you go to here you will find some great stuff, including the full text of Bicycles in War by Martin Caidin and Jay Barbree.

Postscript: The combatreform site just about locked up my computer every time I accessed it. If anyone would like a document form of Bicycles in War or of the 1939 TO&E of a Wehrmacht bicycle infantry company, drop me a line at and I can send one or both as an attached document.

Putting an individual face on "gangster government."

Meet Thomas J. Perelli, Associate Attorney General of the United States.

Every administration, it seems, has its cover-up guy. In the Clinton Justice Department it was, in order, Webb Hubbell, Jamie Gorelick (after Hubbell had to resign and went to prison) and finally, Eric Holder.

We now have a name to put on the Obama cover-up guy at Justice, representing the latest human face of what Michael Barone has called "gangster government."

Remember these guys?

Jerry Seper of the Washington Times does, here:

EXCLUSIVE: No. 3 at Justice OK'd Panther reversal

Case involved polling place in Philadelphia

By Jerry Seper
Thursday, July 30, 2009

Associate Attorney General Thomas J. Perrelli, the No. 3 official in the Obama Justice Department, was consulted and ultimately approved a decision in May to reverse course and drop a civil complaint accusing three members of the New Black Panther Party of intimidating voters in Philadelphia during November's election, according to interviews.

The department's career lawyers in the Voting Section of the Civil Rights Division who pursued the complaint for five months had recommended that Justice seek sanctions against the party and three of its members after the government had already won a default judgment in federal court against the men.

Front-line lawyers were in the final stages of completing that work when they were unexpectedly told by their superiors in late April to seek a delay after a meeting between political appointees and career supervisors, according to federal records and interviews.

The delay was ordered by then-acting Assistant Attorney General Loretta King after she discussed with Mr. Perrelli concerns about the case during one of their regular review meetings, according to the interviews.

Ms. King, a career senior executive service official, had been named by President Obama in January to temporarily fill the vacant political position of assistant attorney general for civil rights while a permanent choice could be made.

She and other career supervisors ultimately recommended dropping the case against two of the men and the party and seeking a restraining order against the one man who wielded a nightstick at the Philadelphia polling place. Mr. Perrelli approved that plan, officials said.

So, what do we know about Herr Perrelli, the guy who makes Obama's cover-up trains run on time?

Well, tells us here, and please note that this puke was first a Clinton man, then a Bush appointee before he became an Obama AAG.

Thomas J. Perrelli

Current Position: Associate Attorney General at the Justice Department (since March 2009)

Boss: Deputy Attorney General David Ogden

Why He Matters

Perrelli has worked under Barack Obama before, when the two of them were running the Harvard Law Review together. Now, Perrelli is back under Obama as the No. 3 person in the Department of Justice.

Perrelli is serving his second stint in the Justice Department, this time as associate attorney general (AAG). He will advise Attorney General Eric Holder and Deputy Attorney General-designate David Ogden. The AAG supervises the civil, civil rights, antitrust, tax and environment divisions of Justice.Department of Justice Manual(1)Department of Justice Manual

Perrelli is one of the top antitrust and copyright attorneys in the country. Other than his four years in the Justice Department under President Bill Clinton, Perrelli has spent his entire professional career at the Washington D.C. law firm of Jenner & Block. He started the firm’s entertainment law division and, in 2005, became the managing partner of Jenner & Block’s D.C. office. Perrelli was also named by the National Law Journal as one of the top 40 lawyers under 40 years old in 2005

In addition to litigating prominent copyright law cases to the Supreme Court, Perrelli represented Michael Schiavo from 2003 to 2005, the husband of Terri Schiavo. He fought for and eventually won Michael’s right to decide the fate of his ailing wife. Perrelli’s involvement in the case opened him up to criticism from “pro-life” advocacy groups who were disappointed with his nomination to Obama’s Justice Department.

Perrelli has known Obama since their days at Harvard Law School, and he served directly under Obama as managing editor of the Harvard Law Review when Obama was president. During the 2008 presidential campaign, Perrelli was one of Obama’s biggest fundraisers, bundling more than $500,000.

Path to Power

Perrelli was born on March 12, 1966, in Falls Church, Va. His father, Thomas N. Perrelli, had moved to the Washington area in 1961 to work for Atlantic Research Corp. as a computer engineer, but in 1972, he began a career in civil service that would span three decades. The older Perrelli started at the Food and Drug Administration and then took a job with the Immigration and Naturalization Service. He spent 25 years as comptroller, budget director and eventually director of the office that works with airlines to prevent people from illegally entering the country

The younger Perrelli was honored in high school as the second-best Latin scholar in the country.Suave, Frances, He went to Brown University, where he studied history and then to Harvard Law School. At Harvard, he joined Law Review and was managing editor under a law student named Barack Obama. Perrelli graduated magna cum laude from Harvard in 1991 and clerked for Royce C. Lamberth at the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia. In November 1992, Perrelli joined Jenner & Block LLP in Washington D.C.

In 1997, he left Jenner & Block to work at the Justice Department under Clinton Attorney General Janet Reno. He served as counsel to the attorney general for almost two years before becoming the deputy assistant attorney general for the civil division. The civil division defends agencies in the federal government in litigation, and Perrelli worked as a supervisor with the tobacco litigation team.

After the 2000 presidential election, Perrelli left the Justice Department and returned to Jenner & Block as a partner, where he stayed until 2009. He worked on a couple of high-profile cases, including the Terri Schiavo case, but mainly he developed an entertainment law practice. In 2005, he was named managing partner of the D.C. office of Jenner & Block. He was registered as a lobbyist from 2002 to 2005, though Perrelli claims that he registered only to supervise an associate who was working on behalf of Americans who were victims of the U.S. embassy bombings in East Africa. Perrelli says he didn’t take any action as a lobbyist or meet with any members of Congress.

Three months later, Obama asked him to be associate attorney general, the No. 3 spot in the department, behind Attorney General Eric Holder and Deputy Attorney General David Ogden.

The Network

Perrelli is a part of Obama's Harvard Law School network. He was at Harvard at the same time as Obama and served as managing editor of the Harvard Law Review when Obama was editor. Perrelli was also moot court partners with Cassandra Butts, a close friend of Obama's who is now a deputy White House counsel. Perrelli was in Laurence Tribe's constitutional law class that also included Obama as well as Julius Genachowski and Michael Froman, both members of Obama's transition team. Genachowski is Obama's choice to lead the Federal Communications Commission and Froman is deputy national security adviser for international economic affairs.

Perrelli worked directly under David Ogden during the Obama transition, and he will continue in that role at the Justice Department. He is married to Kristine Joy Lucius, who is chief counsel for civil justice and deputy staff director on the Senate Judiciary Committee.

Campaign Contributions

Perrelli has donated nearly $20,000 since 2002, almost all of which has gone to his longtime friend Barack Obama. Perrelli donated to Obama’s 2004 Senate campaign and donated $2,000 to Obama’s Hope Fund PAC as early as February 2005.

His wife, Kristine Joy Lucius, also contributed the maximum $4,600 to Obama in 2008 and $1,000 to his 2004 Senate campaign.Center for Responsive Politics Web site(14)Center for Responsive Politics Web site Perrelli was also one of Obama’s biggest bundlers. He raised more than $500,000 for Obama’s 2008 presidential campaign.

This is the man who has taken up Eric Holder's cover-up spot at Justice. Keep an eye on his name, it will be surfacing in most future stories on things the Obamanoids want covered up.


"What are you doing to educate young people about that?": Napolitano on the "Collective Fight" against domestic terrorism.

"Join the Young Communists."

My father, Israel Rachlin, the son of Shneur and Sara Rachlin, was born in Kibart in 1906. . . He was born into a family of horse exporters, a business that he took over upon his graduation from the University of Leipzig in 1932. He managed the business until the Soviet occupation in 1940. The whole family, my father, my Danish-born mother, grandmother and my two older siblings, were arrested on June 14, 1941 and deported a few days later to Siberia together with the thousands of others thereby escaping the fate of most of the other Kibart Jews who perished in the Holocaust including my father's relatives. My parents passed away recently, my father in October 1998, and my mother just about three months later, in February 1999. They left behind 4 volumes of memoires . . . The first volume, 16 Years in Siberia, has also been published in English by the University of Alabama Press. -- Danish journalist Sam Rachlin, posted on

One of the books at my bedside stand that I pick up when I can't sleep is Sixteen Years in Siberia: Memoirs of Rachel and Israel Rachlin, translated by Birgitte De Weille.

The Rachlin family were arrested by the Soviet NKVD secret police as "political unreliables" as were many successful Jewish families who came under Russian domination in the brief time between the Hitler-Stalin Pact and the German invasion of the Soviet Union in June, 1941. They were deported to Siberia just ahead of the SS Einsatzgruppen, to begin a 16 year sentence that only ended when the Danish prime minister personally intervened with Khruschev to secure their release.

The irony is that it saved their lives. None of their family in Lithuania survived the Holocaust. Sam Rachlin was born in Yakutsk, Siberia during that long "imprisonment without walls." The Rachlin's memoir is a wonderful tale of how love and family can overcome just about anything. But there are elements of the personal consequences of politics that resonate today.

For example, Israel relates:

In 1950, I became a homeroom teacher for the first time, and that involved quite a few new tasks. . . At least twice a year the homeroom teacher had to pay visits to the homes of his students to discuss with their parents their levels of achievement, conduct and maturity. The homeroom teacher had to write a report on his visits, describe the family relations, and present the information at the faculty meetings. . . One of my students was the daughter of the local NKVD chief. His name was Fedotov, and he was in charge of all the deportees in Pokrovsk. I had to visit him and his wife just as I had visited the parents of the other students. It was a somewhat peculiar situation, and I always went with mixed feelings. On the other hand, it was my task to educate his daughter, Nina, who was a sweet and intelligent girl. However, I myself was in Pokrovsk to be educated and retrained, and it was one of Fedotov's tasks to see to it that I was educated in the right manner and in the right spirit. I was not too sure that it suited Fedotov that a special deportee such as myself had the task of educating and bringing up his daughter. However, my visits to the home of Fedotov proceeded without friction, and the parents gave expression to their satisfaction with Nina's achievements in school.

One day, however, I met Fedotov under other circumstances. . . I received a call from the local NKVD officer, asking me to see to it that all of the senior students stayed after the last class to hear a lecture by one of the NKVD officers in Pokrovsk. I got the students together as requested and was rather surprised to see that the lecturer was Fedotov himself. On his arrival, Fedotov shook my hand and smiled, thanking me for my help. Fedotov's lecture concerned the watchfulness that Soviet citizens always had to display. He talked about the great progress achieved by the Soviet Union despite many difficulties. He paid the obligatory tributes to Stalin and talked about the great triumphs of the Soviet economy in developing the communist society that would ensure all people and races a magnificent and happy future.

However, the enemies of communism lurked everywhere, endeavoring to put a stop to the victorious progress of the Soviet society. Enemies did not sleep, Fedotov pointed out, for they were always searching for an opportunity to harm the young Soviet state. That is why it was the duty of every Soviet citizen always to be on his guard against the undermining activity of the enemies of socialism. Every Soviet citizen had to be a patriot and protect his fatherland as the most sacred thing in life. One of the most important virtues was alertness, and Fedotov urged the young students always to pay attention to what was going on around them. If they encountered something suspicious, they would have to report it immediately to the NKVD office, where NKVD officers would always be prepared to listen to them. Imperialist agents were everywhere, he stressed, and they worked in devious ways. Even the most innocent activities could conceal serious crimes against the Soviet state. . . Be on your guard and help the NKVD destroy the enemies of the country, Fedotov concluded.

As he left, he once more shook my hand, smiling in a friendly manner. With some effort, I managed to force a smile, for after that lecture there was not much to smile about for a man in my position. It was, among others, people with my background whom Fedotov had indirectly asked the students to keep an eye on. Now I had to be even more careful about what I said and did in my classes and in the teachers' lounge. While such alertness campaigns were in progress, there was bound to be someone wishing to impress the authorities by catching one of the agents of imperialism "in the act." -- Israel Rachlin, Sixteen Years in Siberia, pp. 180-182.

Remarkable, then, that I read the above pages the same night I read this in the Washington Post on-line.

Security Chief Urges 'Collective Fight' Against TerrorismBy Spencer S. Hsu
Wednesday, July 29, 2009

Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano urged Americans on Wednesday to join a "collective fight against terrorism" that combines the efforts of individuals, companies and local, state and foreign governments.

"Collective fight." Hmmm. Not willing to take the Washington Post's word for anything, I went to the DHS website here to get the entire text (including the transcript of the Q and A period) of her speech to the Council on Foreign Relations. Some relevant excerpts:

Now, President Obama has been very forceful about seeing the threat of terrorism in all of its complexity and in bringing all of our resources, not just the federal government, to bear against violent extremism.

So today, I will speak candidly about the urgent need to refocus our counter-terror approach to make it a shared endeavor—to make it more layered, networked and resilient—to make it smarter and more adaptive and to make sure that as a country—as a nation—we are at the point where we are in a constant state of preparedness and not a state of fear.

The challenge is not just using federal power to protect the country, but also enlisting a much broader societal response to the threats that terrorism poses.

Now, a wise approach to keeping America secure should be rooted in the values that define our nation—values like resilience, shared responsibility, standing up for what is right. These are the values that led us to fight and win two world wars—that were on display in the dark days after the September 11th attacks. We must embrace them again now.

So how do we secure our homeland and stay true to our values? We do it with four levels of collective response. It starts with the American people. From there, it extends to local law enforcement, and from there up to the federal government, and then finally out beyond our shores, where America's international allies can serve and do serve as partners in a collective fight against terrorism.

Collective fight, yes, I got that. "Fedotov's lecture concerned the watchfulness that Soviet citizens always had to display."

. . . So what is the right response, and what are we doing? As I mentioned earlier, there are four layers, and the place we start is the work of engaging the American people in our collective effort. I'm often asked if complacency is a threat in the United States, and I believe the short answer is yes.

But I think a better question is this: Has the United States government done everything it can to educate and engage the American people? The answer there is no. For too long we've treated the public as a liability to be protected rather than an asset in our nation's collective security. And this approach, unfortunately, has allowed confusion, anxiety and fear to linger.

Let me stress—this is no small matter.

This is a first-order issue for us. The consequences of living in a state of fear rather than a state of preparedness are enormous. We may be better prepared as a nation than we were on 9/11, but we are nowhere near as prepared as we need to be.

There are, of course, aspects of countering the terror threat that are inherently governmental, but the smart government is one that knows what it does best and which helps others do their best as well.

So here's how we're looking at this. First, with respect to individuals and the private sector, we're taking a much closer look at how we can support and inform our greatest asset, individual citizens, and with them the private sector. You are the ones who know if something is not right in your communities, such as a suspicious package or unusual activity. . .

So there's no doubt that building a culture of preparedness in our communities will require a long-term commitment from all aspects of our society. But there are, as I said, simple ways for you as individuals and community and business leaders to engage right now. With basic training, every one of us can become better first preventers as well as first responders.

Hmm, "first preventers," yes, I think I see what you mean Comrade, er, ah, I mean, Madame Secretary. "Be on your guard and help the NKVD destroy the enemies of the country, Fedotov concluded."

The second layer is local law enforcement. And if you go out one ring from individuals and the private sector, you have 780,000 law enforcement officials across 18,000 state, local and tribal law enforcement agencies. Let me just say those numbers again: 780,000 across 18,000 departments. These men and women play an absolutely critical role, because they are the ones that can act on information they receive from individuals in the community, from their own observations, or from the intelligence community itself. But the ability of state and local officials, as well as the private sector, to prepare for threats and to respond to a disaster is only as good as their ability to receive useful information, understand what it means and act upon it effectively.

As Arizona governor, I took a lead role in creating our state's first law enforcement fusion center. Now, in a typical fusion center, an FBI agent might be sitting next to a state highway patrol officer; who might be sitting next to an Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, agent; who might be next to an agent from the DEA or from the tribal police. They don't merely share space. They share databases and techniques. They share ideas and experiences. They break down barriers and build networks.

This ensures that local law enforcement has better information necessary to protect our people, our neighborhoods, our infrastructure. Fusion centers are and will be a critical part of our nation's homeland security capabilities. I intend to make them a top priority for this department to support them, build them, improve them and work with them.

We've now moved three dozen intelligence analysts out to the field. In other words, as we build the fusion centers, we need to move analytic capacity from the Beltway to the country. So let's—how this is used. And I'll take it out of the terrorism context for just a moment. That if a law enforcement agency reports an increase in drug seizures of a particular type, that is a data point. That's a piece of intelligence. But a whole range of agencies working together in a particular fusion center can analyze that trend to understand what it means, how it will affect particular neighborhoods, and whether it foretells something even larger on the horizon.

In addition to the 70 current fusion center sites, the department will be collaborating with the Department of Justice and the FBI in more than 100 joint terrorism task forces across the country as well. So you see how we're creating the network—individuals, private sector, now among fusion centers and the law enforcement community.

Then we move on to the federal role. Since 2001, the United States government has invested considerably in reorganizing itself to counter the threat of terrorism. Now, DHS obviously plays the critical role here because we were given the explicit mission to secure our country against attack. So we, therefore, have an obligation to be clear about that mission.

We are not the FBI and we are not the CIA, but we need to work in close coordination with them and with all agencies who have part of the counterterrorism portfolio. And the way we are doing that is taking information shared amongst the Beltway and improving the sharing of information up and down the ladder—state, local, tribal communities—to the private sector. So the addition of the ability to share intel is the value-added that the Department of Homeland security provides.

"Share intel," "value-added," yes. I think I got your fusion center hanging, Janet. "If they encountered something suspicious, they would have to report it immediately to the NKVD office, where NKVD officers would always be prepared to listen to them."

Let me close by going back to something I said earlier about people, because in the end, what we really do is about people. We are a nation of more than 300 million. More than that, we're a nation of families, communities, organizations, of cities, suburbs, tribes, all of their local governments and organizations. And within these groupings lies an extraordinary pool of talent, ingenuity and strength.

We face a networked enemy. We must meet it with a networked response. The job of securing our nation against the threat of terrorism is a large one, and it may never be totally completed, but we have a much larger chance at success if we strengthen our own networks by enlisting the talents and energies of Americans.

Countering the terrorist threat is not just the effort of one agency; it is one—or one element of society. Nor is countering terrorism the consequence of one tactic. Rather, it requires a holistic, unrelenting approach at all levels, with all tactics and all elements of society.

We need to be the very best at what we do, and that means engaging and empowering our citizens to be part of our collective effort, an effort aimed at effective prevention and of resilient response. So when I hear the phrase "Department of Homeland Security," I think of us as a hub, but the hub of a very large wheel that involves every single person in our country.

"Hub of a very large wheel that involves every single person in our country." Hmm. Yes, got that. "Enemies did not sleep, Fedotov pointed out, for they were always searching for an opportunity to harm the young Soviet state. That is why it was the duty of every Soviet citizen always to be on his guard against the undermining activity of the enemies of socialism."

Then there were two exchanges in the Question and Answer period worthy of mention. Here:

Questioner: Secretary, I was very admiring of your comments. But as I sat there, I heard you speak several times about what our citizens need to—how we need to implicate our citizens in more efforts. Are you suggesting we need train our people from school days on to be more alert and watch more carefully their school people, their schoolmates, their workers, their family, their neighbors, and then to more effectively report what they see to some authority?

Napolitano: You know, I think there's actually an important role that we can play in educating even our very young about watching for and knowing what to do if—if you're in an airport and you see a package left with no one around; you know, that sort of thing. I also think we could do a much better job at educating young people about how to—how to prepare how to handle themselves so that they can protect themselves also if something untoward were to happen.

So do we have a plan in that—in that way, or have we actually worked that angle of this? Not yet. But I think you're getting the gist of what I'm saying, which is to say we need a culture of collective responsibility, a culture where every individual understands his or her role; which goes along with my saying that the more we prepare, not only the stronger we are, but the more preparation you have, the less fear that you possess.

And here:

Questioner: Annette Gordon-Reed.

You began speaking about developing rules, against terrorism and fighting terrorism, that are consistent with values. Are there any problems, do you see, with developing a notion of citizens who have a collective responsibility to report on one another?

I mean, where's the balance between sort of the individual sort of accepting people, in your community, and at the same time being little private attorney generals?

Napolitano: Yeah, that's the point I was making a bit earlier, about being very sensitive to that. And that's where education really can come in. What is something that should be reported? What isn't? And there are materials from a variety of aspects that help with that kind of education. And so really the first questioner said, what are you doing to educate young people about that? I think that's where it has to start.

"Educate young people about this." Yes, heard that before, too. "One of the most important virtues was alertness, and Fedotov urged the young students always to pay attention to what was going on around them. "

Given that Janet's department has already evinced a staggering propensity to falsely label political opponents as "extremists" and proto-terrorists, I think she and Comrade NKVD agent Fedotov would understand each other. They certainly seem to be following the same tyrannical playbook.


The SS Einsatzgruppen weren't the only ones to take trophy photos. NKVD man executes two "enemies of the people."

Wednesday, July 29, 2009

"Misdemeanor Madness": Don't know what the grievance was, but the message delivery system looks sound.

The broken window at Austin Police Department headquarters.

My thanks to the several folks who passed this on to me.


Man throws brick through City Hall, police HQ windows

CBS 42 Reporter: Gregg Watson

Austin police say a man tossed a rock through the window of police headquarters after he hit Austin City Hall with a big rock minutes earlier.

The suspect is described as white, in his 30s and with a beard. Police say first a security guard on duty saw the man smash the glass and sprint down Cesar Chavez.

Then 14 minutes later police say the scruffy suspect was captured committing a crime on camera outside police headquarters. On video the suspect is seen shattering the glass and taking off.

The glass at City Hall has been replaced but some are upset city hall was targeted with this misdemeanor madness.

“It’s pretty upsetting. I would have to wonder why someone would do something like that," says Austin lawyer Nikelle Meade. "It’s a beautiful building. It’s a safety issue they could have really hurt somebody.”

“There's no evidence to show he was trying to commit a burglary. He didn’t stay. He didn’t try to pull the windows open or anything like that," says APD spokesman Scott Perry. "He walks up throws the rock turns around and runs off.”

He also created a problem for the cash-strapped city that now has to replace all the broken glass.

“It’s about $500 for the window here at city hall. We don’t know the cost estimate for the one that was broken at APD yet," says Austin building service officer Jill Maness. "It’s a bit of an inconvenience the glass has to ordered, it’s a double pane safety glass. We’ve made a temporary Plexiglas replacement.”

Police haven’t added any officers to their patrol but say they will patrol city owned buildings more often.

Praxis: Bicycle Infantry

Someone sent me this photo as a gag, saying it represented the Tour de France, 1940. It is, of course, German bicycle infantry, circa 1940. Very funny. But it got me thinking. What if, in some post-disaster scenario, fuel is at a premium? Then bicycle infantry doesn't look like such a bad idea, does it?

Read the material below and give me your reactions.


Here's the citation on bicycle infantry from Wikipedia:

Bicycle infantry are infantry soldiers who maneuver on the battlefield using bicycles. The term dates from the late 19th century, when the "safety bicycle" became popular in Europe, the United States and Australia. Though its use has waned over the years in many armies, it continues to be used in unconventional armies such as militias.


Numerous experiments were carried out to determine the possible role of bicycles and cycling within military establishments until in 1894 a turning point occurred due to improved resilience of pneumatics and the shorter sturdier construction of the frame.[1] To some extent, bicyclists took over the functions of dragoons, especially as messengers and scouts, substituting for horses in warfare.[2] Bicycle units or detachments were formed at the end of the 19th century by all European armies and the US armed forces.

The United Kingdom employed bicycle troops in militia or territorial units, but not in regular units. In France, several experimental units were created, starting in 1886.[3] They attempted to adopt folding bicycles early on. In the United States, the most extensive experimentation on bicycle units was carried out by a 1st Lieutenant Moss, of the 25th United States Infantry (Colored) (an African American infantry regiment with white officers).

Bicycle Corps at Fort Missoula in 1897.

Using a variety of cycle models, Lt. Moss and his troops carried out extensive bicycle journeys covering between 500 and 1,000 miles (800 to 1,600 km). Late in the 19th century, the United States Army tested the bicycle's suitability for cross-country troop transport. Buffalo Soldiers stationed in Montana rode bicycles across roadless landscapes for hundreds of miles at high speed.

The first known use of the bicycle in combat occurred during the Jameson Raid, in which cyclists carried messages. In the Second Boer War, military cyclists were used primarily as scouts and messengers. One unit patrolled railroad lines on specially constructed tandem bicycles that were fixed to the rails. Several raids were conducted by cycle-mounted infantry on both sides; the most famous unit was the Theron se Verkenningskorps (Theron Reconnaissance Corps) or TVK, a Boer unit led by the scout Daniel Theron, whom British commander Lord Roberts described as "the hardest thorn in the flesh of the British advance." Roberts placed a reward of £1,000 on Theron's head—dead or alive—and dispatched 4,000 soldiers to find and eliminate the TVK.[4]

World Wars

Photo showing Italian Bersaglieri during World War I with bicycles strapped to their backs. 1917.

During World War I, cycle-mounted infantry, scouts, messengers and ambulance carriers were extensively used by all combatants. Italy used bicycles with the Bersaglieri (light infantry units) until the end of the war. German Army Jäger (light infantry) battalions each had a bicycle company (Radfahr-Kompanie) at the outbreak of the war, and additional companies were raised during the war bringing the total to 80 companies, a number of which were formed into eight Radfahr-Bataillonen (bicycle battalions). In its aftermath, the German Army conducted a study on the use of the cycle and published its findings in a report entitled Die Radfahrertruppe[citation needed].

In its 1937 invasion of China, Japan employed some 50,000 bicycle troops. Early in World War II their southern campaign through Malaya en route to capturing Singapore in 1941 was largely dependent on bicycle-riding soldiers. In both efforts bicycles allowed quiet and flexible transport of thousands of troops who were then able to surprise and confuse the defenders. Bicycles also made few demands on the Japanese war machine, needing neither trucks, nor ships to transport them, nor precious petroleum. Using bicycles, the Japanese troops were able to move faster than the withdrawing Allied Forces, often successfully cutting off their retreat. The speed of Japanese advance have also caught Allied Forces defending the main roads by surprise while attacking them from the rear.

German bicycle infantry on the northern Russian front in 1941

The Finnish Army utilized bicycles extensively during the Continuation War and Lapland War. Bicycles were used as a means of transportation in Jaeger Battalions, divisional Light Detachments and regimental organic Jaeger Companies. Bicycle units spearheaded the advances of 1941 against Soviet Union. Especially successful was the 1st Jaeger Brigade which was reinforced with a tank battalion and an anti-tank battalion, providing rapid movement through limited road network. During winter time these units, like the rest of the infantry, switched to skis.

Within 1942-1944 bicycles were also added to regimental equipment pools. During the Summer 1944 battles against the Soviet Union, bicycles provided quick mobility for reserves and counter-attacks. In Autumn 1944 bicycle troops of the Jaeger Brigade spearheaded the Finnish advance through Lapland against the Germans; tanks had to be left behind due to the German destruction of the Finnish road network.

The hastily assembled German Volksgrenadier divisions had a battalion of bicycle infantry, to have some mobile reserve.

Allied use of the bicycle in World War II was limited, but included supplying folding bicycles to paratroopers and to messengers behind friendly lines. The term, "bomber bikes" came into use during this period, as US forces dropped bicycles out of planes to reach troops behind enemy lines.

By 1939, the Swedish army operated six bicycle infantry regiments. They were equipped with domestically produced Swedish military bicycles. Most common was the m/42, an upright, one-speed roadster produced by several large Swedish bicycle manufacturers. These regiments were decommissioned between 1948 and 1952, and the bicycles remained for general use in the Army, or transferred to the Home Guard. Beginning in the 1970s, the Army began to sell these as military surplus. They became very popular as cheap and low-maintenance transportation, especially among students. Responding to its popularity and limited supply, an unrelated company, Kronan, began to produce a modernized version of the m/42 in 1997.

Later uses

Although much used in World War I, bicycles were largely superseded by motorized transport in more modern armies. In the past few decades, however, they have taken on a new life as a "weapon of the people" in guerrilla conflicts and unconventional warfare, where the cycle's ability to carry large, about 400 lb (180 kg), loads of supplies at the speed of a pedestrian make it vastly useful for lightly-equipped forces. For many years the Viet Cong and North Vietnamese Army used bicycles to ferry supplies down the "Ho Chi Minh Trail", avoiding the repeated attacks of United States and Allied bombing raids. When heavily loaded with supplies such as sacks of rice, these bicycles were seldom rideable, but were pushed by a tender walking alongside. With especially bulky cargo, tenders sometimes attached bamboo poles to the bike for tiller-like steering (this method can still be seen practiced in China today). Vietnamese "cargo bikes" were rebuilt in jungle workshops with reinforced frames to carry heavy loads over all terrain.

Modern times

LTTE bicycle infantry platoon north of Killinochi in 2004

Bicycles continue in military use today, primarily as an easy alternative for transport on long flightlines. The use of the cycle as an infantry transport tool continued into the 21st century with the Swiss Army's Bicycle Regiment, which maintained drills for infantry movement and attack until 2001, when the decision was made to phase the unit out.[5]

The LTTE Tamil Tigers made use of bicycle mobility in the fighting in Sri Lanka. The Sri Lankan army also has a bicycle unit. They are mainly stationed and deployed in high security zones in the capital city Colombo. The theory and the basis of their usage is still not well known.

See also

Paratrooper folding Tactical Mountain Bicycle
Army Cyclist Corps

1. Leiser 10
2. Leiser 11-16
3. Leiser 11
4. "Danie Theron" (html). Retrieved on 2007-10-07.
5. Doole, Claire, End of road for Swiss army cyclists, BBC News,, retrieved on 2008-02-05

Leiser Rolf (sup.) (1991). Hundert Jahre Radfahrer-Truppe (100 Years of Bicycle Troops). Bern, Switzerland: Bundesamt für Mechanisierte u. Leichte Truppen (Federal Office for Mechanized and Light Troops).

Fitzpatrick, Jim (1998). The Bicycle In Wartime: An Illustrated History. Washington, DC: Brassey's Inc.. ISBN 1-57488-157-4.

Ekström, Gert; Husberg, Ola (2001). Älskade cykel (1st ed.). Bokförlaget Prisma. ISBN 91-518-3906-7.

Retrieved from ""

Montague Bikes is a U.S. manufacturer that makes folding bicycles for civilian and military customers. Formed in 1987 by David Montague while still in graduate school at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, the first bicycle designed by Montague was called the "Montague BiFrame" for its patented Concentrus system. This system, which unites the two parts of the frame with concentric seat tubes, one nested inside the other, allows a bike with a full-size frame to fold in half while maintaining the structural integrity of the design.

In 1997, Montague received a two-year grant from the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA), who recognized the importance of folding bikes, to work with the United States Marines in developing the Tactical Electric No Signature (TENS) Mountain bike. For this project Montague developed a new folding design, enabling the bike to fold faster for Paratrooper exit from military aircraft while also increasing its load bearing capacity. This gave rise to the Paratrooper folding Tactical Mountain Bicycle, Montague’s non-electric Military Mountain Bike. It costs around US $695.00. -- Wikipedia.

Montague Paratrooper Bike.

The following Montague-produced diagram demonstrates the efficiency of Bike/Electric Bike Infantry:

System: Infantry -- Load Cap. = 50 lbs. Daily Range = 25 miles. Speed = 3 mph. Fuel per Day = 0 Food per Day = 3 lbs. Water per day = 24 lbs.

System: Bicycle Infantry -- Load Cap. = 50 lbs. Daily Range = 75 miles. Speed = 10 mph. Fuel per Day = 0 Food per Day = 3 lbs. Water per day = 24 lbs.

System: Horse Cavalry -- Load Cap. = 100 lbs. Daily Range = 100 miles. Speed = 15 mph. Fuel per Day = 40# hay Food per Day = 3 lbs. Water per day = 164 lbs.

System: Electric Bicycle Infantry -- Load Cap. = 50 lbs. Daily Range = 100 miles. Speed = 15 mph. Fuel per Day = Electric Charge Station. Food per Day = 3 lbs. Water per day = 24 lbs.

System: Morocycle Infantry -- Load Cap. = 100 lbs. Daily Range = 300 miles. Speed = 40 mph. Fuel per Day = 55# gasoline. Food per Day = 3 lbs. Water per day = 24 lbs.

System: Medium truck -- Load Cap. = 10,000 lbs. Daily Range = 400 miles. Speed = 40 mph. Fuel per Day = 350# diesel. Food per Day = 6 lbs. Water per day = 48 lbs.

System: APC -- Load Cap. = 10,000 lbs. Daily Range = 300 miles. Speed = 35 mph. Fuel per Day = 665# diesel. Food per Day = 6 lbs. Water per day = 48 lbs.

Japanese bicycle troops entering Batavia, Java Island, Dutch East Indies, March 8th 1942

"Bully boys: A brief history of White House thuggery"

My thanks to Jackie J. for forwarding this from Michelle Malkin.

One other note: If they will do this to people they know have recourse to the courts and the resources to pursue it, what will their subordinate agencies do to people who are perceived as powerless? Just a thought.


Bully boys: A brief history of White House thuggery
By Michelle Malkin

July 29, 2009 07:51 AM

Just finished up on the Today Show, where I had a quick chance to briefly expose the Culture of Corruption in the age of Obama. My syndicated column today adds to the dossier with a round-up of fresh Bully Boy moments.

It’s the Chicago way.


Bully boys: A brief history of White House thuggery
by Michelle Malkin
Creators Syndicate
Copyright 2009

Six months into the Obama administration, it should now be clear to all Americans: Hope and Change came to the White House wrapped in brass knuckles.

Ask the Congressional Budget Office. Last week, President Obama spilled the beans on the Today Show that he had met with CBO director Douglas Elmendorf – just as the number-crunchers were casting ruinous doubt on White House cost-saving claims. Yes, question the timing. The CBO is supposed to be a neutral score-keeper – not a water boy for the White House. But when the meeting failed to stop the CBO from issuing more analysis undercutting the health care savings claims, Obama’s budget director Peter Orszag played the heavy.

Orszag warned the CBO in a public letter that it risked feeding the perception that it was “exaggerating costs and underestimating savings.” Message: Leave the number-fudging to the boss. Capiche?

President Obama issued an even more explicit order to unleash the hounds on Blue Dog Democrats during his health care press conference. “Keep up the heat” translated into Organizing for America/Democrat National Committee attack ads on moderate Democrats who have revolted against Obamacare’s high costs and expansive government powers over medical decisions.

Looks like there won’t be a health care beer summit any time soon.

The CBO and the Blue Dogs got off easy compared to inspectors generals targeted by Team Obama goons. Gerald Walpin, the former Americorps inspector general was slimed as mentally incompetent (“confused” and “disoriented”) after blowing the whistle on several cases of community service tax fraud, including the case of Obama crony Kevin Johnson. As I’ve reported previously, Johnson’s the NBA star-turned-Sacramento Democrat mayor who ran a federally-funded non-profit group employing AmeriCorps volunteers that were exploited to perform campaign work for Johnson and provided personal services (car washes, errands) to Johnson and his staff.

Walpin filed suit last week to get his job back – and to defend the integrity and independence of inspector generals system-wide. But he faces hardball tactics from both the West Wing and the East Wing, where First Lady Michelle Obama has been intimately involved in personnel decisions at AmeriCorps, according to youth service program insiders.

At the Environmental Protection Agency, top Obama officials muzzled veteran researcher Alan Carlin, who dared to question the conventional wisdom on global warming. The economist with a physics degree was trashed as a non-scientist know-nothing.

Obama Treasury officials forced banks to take TARP bailout money they didn’t want and obstructed banks that wanted to pay back TARP money from doing so. The administration strong-armed Chrysler creditors and strong-armed Chrysler dealers using politicized tactics that united both House Democrats and Republicans, who passed an amendment last week reversing President Obama on the closure of nearly 800 Chrysler car dealerships and more than 2,000 GM dealerships.

At the Justice Department, Obama lawyers are now blocking a House inquiry into the suspicious decision to dismiss default judgments against radical New Black Panther Party activists who intimidated voters and poll workers on Election Day in Philadelphia. The DOJ is preventing Virginia Republican Rep. Frank Wolf from meeting with the trial team in the case. Rep. Wolf has been pressing for answers on what communications Attorney General Eric Holder and his deputies conducted with third-party interest groups and other political appointees about the case. So far: radio silence.

In the mafia culture, the bully boys depend on a code of silence and allegiance – omerta ­ not only among their brethren, but also from the victims. The victims of Obama thugocracy are no longer cooperating. Perhaps it won’t be long until some of the enforcers start to sing, too.

Michelle Malkin is author of the just-released Culture of Corruption: Obama and His Team of Tax Cheats, Crooks, and Cronies (Regnery).

Just in case you want to call your friendly jack booted thug . . .

Kenneth E. Melson, Acting Director, Bureau of Alchohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (tiny head actual size).

Here's some contact numbers. Print this out and put it on your refrigerator with your 2nd Amendment magnet.


Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives [ATF]

99 New York Avenue, NE, Washington, DC 20226
Tel: (202) 648-7777 (General Information)
Tel: (888) 283-3473 (Arson Hotline)
Tel: (888) 283-2662 (Bomb Hotline)
Tel: (888) 283-4867 (Report Illegal Firearms Activity)
Tel: (888) 930-9275 (Firearms Theft Hotline)
Tel: (800) 788-7133 (Firearms Tracing Center)
Tel: (800) 578-7223 (Law Enforcement Use)
Tel: (800) 659-6242 (Report Stolen, Hijacked or Seized Cigarettes)
Tel: (800) 283-8477 (Other Criminal Activity)

Description: The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives is a principal law enforcement agency dedicated to preventing terrorism, reducing violent crime, and protecting our Nation. Its responsibilities include the investigation and prevention of federal offenses involving the unlawful use, manufacture, and possession of firearms and explosives, acts of arson and bombings, and illegal trafficking of alcohol and tobacco products. The ATF also regulates via licensing the sale, possession, and transportation of firearms, ammunition, and explosives in interstate commerce.

Fiscal Year: 2006 Budget: $972,000,000 (Budget Outlays)
Number of Employees: 4,884
Click Here to View Regional Map

U.S. Congressional Appropriations Subcommittees: Subcommittee on Commerce, Justice, Science, and Related Agencies; Subcommittee on Commerce, Justice, Science, and Related Agencies

Office of the Director

99 New York Avenue, NE, Suite 5S.100, Washington, DC 20226
Tel: (202) 648-8700
Fax: (202) 648-9622

Director (Acting) Kenneth E. Melson
Presidential Appointment Requiring Senate Confirmation
Fax: (202) 648-9622
Education: Denison 1970 AB; George Washington 1973 JD
Current Memberships: Distinguished Fellow, American Academy of Forensic Sciences
Career: Assistant Commonwealth’s Attorney, Office of the Commonwealth’s Attorney, County of Arlington, Virginia (1975-1978); Chief Assistant Commonwealth’s Attorney, Office of the Commonwealth’s Attorney, County of Arlington, Virginia (1978-1980); Deputy Commonwealth’s Attorney, Office of the Commonwealth’s Attorney, County of Arlington, Virginia (1980-1983); Assistant U.S. Attorney, Virginia - Eastern District, Executive Office for United States Attorneys (1983-1986); First Assistant U.S. Attorney, Virginia - Eastern District, Executive Office for United States Attorneys (1986-2007); Interim U.S. Attorney, Virginia - Eastern District, Executive
Office for United States Attorneys; President, American Academy of Forensic Sciences; Acting U.S. Attorney, Virginia - Eastern District, Executive Office for United States Attorneys, United States Department of Justice; Director, Executive Office for United States Attorneys, Office of the Deputy Attorney General, United States Department of Justice (2007-2009)
(202) 927-8700

Deputy Director (Acting) William J. Hoover
Career Senior Executive Service (SES) Appointment
Fax: (202) 648-9622
Education: Shepherd Col
Career: Assistant Special Agent-in-Charge, Louisville (KY) Field Division, Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, United States Department of Justice (2000-2003); Special Agent-in-Charge, Boston (MA) Field Office, Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, United States Department of Justice (2003-2006); Division Director/Agent-in-Charge, Washington (DC) Field Division, Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, United States Department of Justice (2006-2007); Assistant Director, Office of Field Operations, Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, United States Department of Justice (2007-2009)
(202) 648-8710

Chief of Staff (Vacant)
Fax: (202) 648-9622
(202) 648-8700
Bureau Deciding Official G. Elaine Smith
99 New York Avenue, NE, Washington, DC 20226
(202) 648-8700
Ombudsman Marianne Ketels
99 New York Avenue, NE, Suite 3E.490, Washington, DC 20226
(202) 648-8750
Strategic Planning Office Chief Christopher Pellettiere
99 New York Avenue, NE, Suite 5E.407, Washington, DC 20226
Career: Assistant Special Agent-in-Charge, Miami, Bureau of Alcohol,
Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, United States Department of Justice
(202) 648-6042

Office of Chief Counsel [OCC]
99 New York Avenue, NE, Washington, DC 20226
Fax: (202) 648-9600
Chief Counsel Stephen R. Rubenstein
Career Senior Executive Service (SES) Appointment
Fax: (202) 648-9600
(202) 648-7000
Deputy Chief Counsel Teresa G. Ficaretta
Career Senior Executive Service (SES) Appointment
Fax: (202) 648-9600
Career: Associate Chief Counsel for Firearms, Explosives and Arson, Office of Chief Counsel, Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, United States Department of Justice
(202) 648-7000
Associate Chief Counsel for Administration and Ethics Eleaner Loos
Fax: (202) 648-9610
(202) 648-7000
Associate Chief Counsel for Disclosure and Forfeiture Barry S. Orlow
Fax: (202) 648-9620
(202) 648-7000
Associate Chief Counsel for Firearms, Explosives and Arson Eric Epstein
Fax: (202) 648-9620
(202) 648-7000
Associate Chief Counsel for Litigation Joel J. Roessner
Fax: (202) 648-9610
(202) 648-7000
Senior Counsel, Field Operations Anne Marie Paskalis
Fax: (202) 648-9620
Career: Senior Attorney, Assistant Chief Counsel - New York (NY), Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, United States Department of Justice
(202) 648-7000

Division Counsel - Atlanta (GA)
2600 Century Parkway, NE, Suite 335, Atlanta, GA 30345
Tel: (404) 417-2690
Fax: (404) 417-2691
Division Counsel Melissa Delvecchio
Fax: (404) 417-2691
(404) 417-2690
Legal Technician Marilyn Wyzykowski
Fax: (404) 417-2691
(404) 417-2690

Assistant Chief Counsel - Chicago (IL)
525 West Van Buren Street, Suite 600, Chicago, IL 60607
Tel: (312) 846-8890
Fax: (312) 846-8891
Assistant Chief Counsel John P. Pendley
Fax: (312) 846-8891
(312) 846-8892
Legal Technician Alice Jerling
Fax: (312) 846-8891
(312) 846-8893

Division Counsel - Columbus (OH)
37 West Broad Street, Columbus, OH 43215
Tel: (614) 827-8400
Fax: (614) 827-8401
Areas Covered: IN, OH
Division Counsel Joyce T. Rybak
Fax: (614) 827-8401
(614) 827-8400

Division Counsel - Louisville (KY)
600 Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Place, Room 354, Louisville, KY 40202
Tel: (502) 753-3507
Fax: (502) 753-3501
Areas Covered: KY
Division Counsel Mark J. Lowney
Fax: (502) 753-3501
(502) 753-3507

Assistant Chief Counsel - Dallas (TX)
1114 Commerce Street, Room 303, Dallas, TX 75242-1004
Tel: (469) 227-4440
Fax: (469) 227-4435
Assistant Chief Counsel Greg Serrs
Fax: (469) 227-4435
(469) 227-4440

Associate Chief Counsel - Northeast
The Curtis Center, 601 Walnut Street, Philadelphia, PA 19106
Tel: (215) 446-7836
Fax: (215) 446-7831
Associate Chief Counsel Jeffrey A. Cohen
Fax: (215) 446-7831
Career: Assistant Chief Counsel, New York (NY) Field Division, Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, United States Department of Justice; Assistant Chief Counsel, Division Counsel- New York (NY), Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, United States Department of Justice
(215) 446-7836

Division Counsel - Baltimore (MD)
31 Hopkins Plaza, 5th Floor, Baltimore, MD 21201
Tel: (443) 965-2000
Division Counsel Nancy Oliver (443) 965-2000

Division Counsel - Boston (MA)
10 Causeway Street, Boston, MA 02222-1047
Tel: (617) 557-1214
Areas Covered: MA
Division Counsel S. Roy Chabra
Fax: (617) 557-1201
(617) 557-1200

Division Counsel - Newark (NJ)
One Garret Mountain Plaza, Suite 500, Woodland Park, NJ 07424
Tel: (973) 413-1179
Division Counsel Lisa A. Jakubcyzk (973) 413-1179

Division Counsel- New York (NY)
241 37th Street, 3rd Floor, Brooklyn, NY 11232
Tel: (718) 541-0388
Fax: (718) 650-4091
Division Counsel Matthew Myerson
Fax: (718) 650-4091
Career: Attorney, Division Counsel- New York (NY), Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, United States Department of Justice
(718) 541-0388

Division Counsel - Philadelphia (PA)
The Curtis Center, 601 Walnut Street, Suite 1000E, Philadelphia, PA 19106
Tel: (215) 446-7836
Fax: (215) 446-7831
Areas Covered: DE, MD, NJ, PA
Division Counsel J. Kevin White
Fax: (215) 446-7831
(215) 446-7833

Division Counsel - Washington (DC)
1401 H Street, NW, 9th Floor, Washington, DC 20005
Tel: (202) 648-8010
Fax: (202) 648-8001
Areas Covered: DC
Division Counsel James Vann
Fax: (202) 648-8001
(202) 648-8119

Assistant Chief Counsel - San Francisco (CA)
5601 Arnold Road, Suite 400, Dublin, CA 94568
Tel: (925) 479-7500
Fax: (925) 829-7608
Areas Covered: CA, GU, HI, ID, NV, OR, WA
Assistant Chief Counsel Larry L. Nickell
Fax: (925) 829-7608